Retrofit has largely avoided political debate so far, apart from the M&S case. But as polarisation across government grows, will retrofit become a new front in the ‘culture wars’ we increasingly observe in local politics?
Retrofit has largely avoided political debate so far, apart from the M&S case. But as polarisation across government grows, will retrofit become a new front in the ‘culture wars’ we increasingly observe in local politics?
Local election results across England, Scotland and Wales are looking like a success for Reform UK and the Greens, at the expense of mainstream parties. As an engagement team, we have been looking at how both parties’ local manifesto commitments could impact policy on retrofit and Net Zero, and the implications for navigating a more polarised and contested landscape. Ahead of UKREiiF and BCO, these issues are likely to feature more prominently in industry conversations about retrofit and repurposing.
Whilst the Draft NPPF is strengthening the case for retrofit-first, the majority of local authorities’ policymaking on this subject remains nascent, save for a handful of London boroughs and Scotland where NPF4 sets policy nationally. That leaves significant scope for local divergence on retrofit strategy and office redevelopment, with downstream impacts on investor decision-making depending on whether those policies are strengthened or axed.
In May 2025 Reform UK won majorities in 10 of 23 English councils up for election. Research published by the LSE’s Grantham Research Institute in March 2026 found that since then, seven have scrapped their climate targets, three have rescinded Climate Emergency Declarations and several others have weakened climate-related scrutiny and reporting. That does not yet amount to a direct rollback of retrofit policy, but it does point to a wider dismantling of local governance machinery that has helped sustain its development. As Reform shows it can claim councils outright or at least be the largest party group, it places then in strong contention to take control of planning and housing responsibilities. This may mean retrofit-first policy may become far more politically exposed, especially where it remains only weakly embedded at present.
Whilst the Greens have less evidence to draw on, having made fewer historic local gains, their environmental zeal is apparent where they govern outright or through coalition. In Mid Suffolk, where the Greens have held control since 2023, the council is backing Cosy Homes, with free retrofit assessments and grant-backed support. Elsewhere in coalition, such as in Lewes with the Liberal Democrats, the cabinet has backed retrofit finance. And in Wealden, the coalition has adopted a 2025 climate strategy centred on fabric-first home decarbonisation. These are not urban boroughs, but the read-across points to strengthening rather than weakening support for retrofit-first policies. We are particularly interested to see how this flows through London as today’s results come in, where the Greens are expected to make significant gains, whether through outright control or as a necessary coalition partner.
Retrofit has largely avoided political debate so far, apart from the M&S case. But as polarisation across government grows, will retrofit become a new front in the ‘culture wars’ we increasingly observe in local politics? Amid growing ideological differences, new inexperienced councillors and No Overall Control councils apply further uncertainty to local decision-making. The development industry may need to become far more agile about where it invests capital in a constrained market, and more flexible in how it approaches both progressive and more sceptical councils.